The Role of Schools, Local Communities, and Psychological Services
Termez State University
Field of Study: Psychology
Second-Year Student
Eshmatova Marjona Kamol qizi
Abstract
This article examines the factors affecting child development in dysfunctional families and highlights the collaborative role of schools, local community institutions, and psychological services in supporting such families. The effectiveness of existing systems in early identification, prevention, and rehabilitation processes is analyzed, and the advantages of an integrated approach are emphasized.
Keywords: dysfunctional family, support system, school, local community, psychological services, prevention, rehabilitation, child development.
Introduction
The family is the most important social institution in society, within which an individual’s emotional, social, and moral development is formed. Therefore, the stability of the psychological climate within the family is one of the fundamental criteria of a child’s well-being. However, practice shows that in some families, dysfunctional conditions arise as a result of conflicts, violence, neglect, economic hardship, mental illness, or negative parental behaviors. Children raised in such families often face emotional instability, academic difficulties, high levels of anxiety, aggressive behavior, and low self-esteem.
The phenomenon of dysfunctional families has been widely studied in various scientific studies. In particular, American psychologist Murray Bowen, in his Family Systems Theory, views the family as a unified system and emphasizes that any disruption within it affects the entire system. Similarly, Salvador Minuchin, the founder of Structural Family Therapy, notes that dysfunctional families are characterized by blurred role boundaries, unhealthy communication patterns, and authoritarian or neglectful parenting styles, which lead to numerous psychological problems.
In the context of Uzbekistan, the family is closely interconnected with the local community, which increases the importance of social support mechanisms. From this perspective, this article provides an in-depth analysis of the role of schools, local communities, and psychological services in identifying dysfunctional families, providing assistance, and implementing preventive measures.
Psychological Characteristics of Dysfunctional Families
In studying dysfunctional families, socio-psychological factors play a crucial role. According to Attachment Theory developed by John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth, children who do not feel secure within their families tend to develop insecure or ambivalent attachment styles. This leads to distrust, anxiety, and difficulties in social adaptation in later relationships.
Dysfunctional families are typically characterized by the following features:
1. Emotional Instability
Frequent parental conflicts, aggression, violence, or emotional coldness increase anxiety and fear in children.
2. Communication Disorders
According to Minuchin, such families exhibit “blurred boundaries,” which manifest either as excessive parental intrusion or complete neglect of the child.
3. Parental Dysfunction
Alcohol and substance abuse
Mental health disorders
Excessive punishment
Strict control or absolute neglect
4. Economic and Social Stress
Research by James Garbarino indicates that economic hardship intensifies family stress and negatively affects the quality of parenting.
Many scholars emphasize that identifying and addressing these factors requires a systematic approach.
The Role of Schools in the Support System
Schools are one of the most important institutions requiring focused attention within the support system. As places where children spend most of their time and where their psychological state can be continuously observed, schools are often the earliest institutions to identify children from dysfunctional families.
1. Observation and Diagnosis
School psychologists regularly assess factors such as temperament, emotional stability, academic motivation, social adaptation, behavioral disorders.
2. The Role of Teachers
Teachers are often the first to notice changes in a child’s daily behavior, including: lack of attention in class, social withdrawal, aggression, excessive irritability.
3. School Psychological Services
Family counseling based on Bowen’s and Minuchin’s theories, individual sessions with children, and group training programs produce positive outcomes.
4. Working with Parents
One of the school’s most important tasks is providing psychological support to parents through pedagogical training, counseling, and seminars. The more attention parents give to their children, the more effective the child’s upbringing becomes.
The Importance of the Local Community Institution
In Uzbekistan’s social system, the local community serves as one of the most influential institutions for identifying and resolving family-related problems.
1. Monitoring the Family’s Social Condition
Community leaders, women’s activists, and prevention inspectors thoroughly assess economic conditions, parenting environment, social relationships.
2. Early Intervention
Many social problems can be prevented from escalating into dysfunction if identified early at the community level.
3. Support Mechanisms include financial assistance, psychological guidance, social support services, awareness-raising activities during community meetings.
4. School–Community Cooperation
Joint monitoring of a child’s condition by both systems enhances the effectiveness of support.
The Role of Psychological Services
Psychological services represent the core professional component in addressing family problems. The works of psychologists such as Nathan Ackerman, Virginia Satir, and Carl Rogers serve as foundational resources in family therapy.
1. Individual Psychotherapy
Working with children focuses on emotional regulation, stress reduction, restoring self-esteem, developing social skills.
2. Family Therapy
Based on Minuchin’s model, regulating roles and boundaries within the family significantly reduces problems.
3. Working with Parents
Training programs include anger management, effective communication, non-violent parenting, understanding children’s needs.
4. Rehabilitation and Counseling Centers
Psychological centers provide ongoing monitoring and offer comprehensive rehabilitation programs for dysfunctional families.
Conclusion
Children growing up in dysfunctional families constitute one of the most vulnerable groups in society. Their emotional, social, and psychological development is seriously threatened due to instability in the family environment. Therefore, providing support to such families should not be the responsibility of a single institution but should require coordinated cooperation among schools, local communities, and psychological services.
Scholars such as Bowen, Minuchin, Satir, and Bowlby emphasize that the stability of the family system is a decisive factor in a child’s personal development. Thus, in the context of Uzbekistan, implementing a systematic approach, early identification, prevention, and continuous psychological support remains a critical task.
Through an integrated support model, it is possible to reduce family dysfunction, ensure children’s safe and healthy development, and strengthen social stability within society.
References
Bowen, M. Family Therapy in Clinical Practice. New York: Jason Aronson, 1978.
Minuchin, S. Families and Family Therapy. Harvard University Press, 1974.
Minuchin, S., & Fishman, C. Family Therapy Techniques. Harvard University Press, 1981.
Satir, V. Conjoint Family Therapy. Palo Alto, CA: Science and Behavior Books, 1964.
Yuldoshev, J. Family Psychology. Tashkent: National Publishing House of Uzbekistan, 2019.
Sobirova, N. Child Upbringing and Psychology in the Family. Tashkent, 2020.
Abduqodirov, A. Educational Psychology. Tashkent: Fan Publishing House, 2018.
Jabborov, R. Foundations of Social Pedagogy. Tashkent: TDPU Publishing House, 2017.
Qoshoqov, M. Culture of Communication in the Family. Tashkent: Yangi Asr Avlodi, 2015.
Materials and methodological manuals of the Research Institute “Mahalla and Family” (various years).
The Role of Women in Society: Historical Development, Contemporary Reforms, and Future Prospects
Abstract This article analyzes the role of women in societal development from the perspectives of historical processes, modern socio-political reforms, and future prospects, based on a scientific and public approach. Women’s participation in education, science, politics, economics, and culture is highlighted as a key factor in ensuring social stability and sustainable development. Additionally, issues of gender equality and efforts aimed at increasing women’s legal protection and social activity are discussed.
Introduction It is impossible to imagine social development without the participation of women. At all stages of human history, women have served as the backbone of the family, the educators of the nation, and the moral foundation of society. In today’s era of globalization, women’s active participation is gaining importance not only within the family sphere but also in public administration and state governance.
The Role of Women in Historical Development Looking back at history, we can observe that women have held different positions in society across various periods. In ancient Eastern and Western civilizations, women were primarily active within the family sphere; however, there were also prominent female figures who made significant contributions to the development of science and culture. Historical personalities such as Tomyris, Bibikhanum, and Nodirabegim demonstrated that women possess not only maternal qualities but also strong leadership potential. Nevertheless, during certain periods, restrictions on women’s rights and their exclusion from education became factors that hindered social progress.
The Role of Women in Contemporary Society Today, the role of women in society is undergoing profound transformation. In particular, in Uzbekistan, protecting women’s rights and increasing their socio-political activity have been elevated to the level of state policy. Women are receiving education, conducting scientific research, engaging in entrepreneurship, and actively participating in parliament and public administration.
Ensuring gender equality creates a solid foundation for justice, stability, and innovative development in society. Scientific research shows that in societies where women are active, social problems decrease, while the quality of education and healthcare improves.
Future Prospects Future society cannot be imagined without educated, independent-thinking, and socially active women. In the age of digital technologies, artificial intelligence, and innovation, expanding women’s participation in IT, engineering, science, and technology is a pressing task. At the same time, women’s role in preserving moral and ethical values and in educating the younger generation will become increasingly important.
Conclusion In conclusion, the role of women in society is closely interconnected with historical experience, contemporary reforms, and future strategies. Only a society that respects women and ensures their rights and opportunities can achieve genuine progress. Indeed, women are the future of society and the moral and intellectual foundation of the nation.
Phraseological units such as idioms, proverbs, and fixed expressions represent culturally embedded linguistic phenomena whose meanings often extend beyond literal interpretation through intertextual references. This study investigates the problem of intertextual equivalence in the translation of phraseological units between English and Uzbek, two languages belonging to distinct linguistic and cultural traditions. Drawing on theories of intertextuality and translation equivalence, the research adopts a comparative modeling approach to examine how intertextual meanings encoded in phraseological units are preserved, transformed, or lost in translation. The empirical material consists of a qualitative corpus of English and Uzbek literary texts, media discourse, and public speeches alongside their translations.
Phraseological units were identified, contextually analyzed, and classified according to translation strategies, including literal equivalence, substitution, paraphrase, and explicitation. The findings demonstrate that intertextual equivalence is largely achieved when direct idiomatic counterparts exist in both languages, allowing for the preservation of metaphorical imagery and cultural references. However, culture-specific phraseological units frequently undergo semantic shifts, resulting in partial or complete loss of intertextual resonance.
Genre-based differences were also observed: literary translations tend to preserve intertextual imagery more consistently than media texts, where adaptation and creative transformation prevail. The study concludes that successful translation of phraseological units depends on the translator’s ability to balance semantic accuracy with cultural adaptation, positioning translation as an inherently intertextual and intercultural act. The results contribute to phraseology, translation studies, and contrastive linguistics by offering a systematic model for assessing intertextual equivalence in English–Uzbek translation practice.
Keywords: phraseological units, idioms, proverbs, fixed expressions, culture, cultural adaptation, equivalence, translation, metaphor, public speeches.
Introduction
Phraseological units (PUs) – idioms, proverbs, fixed expressions – enrich language with vivid imagery and culture-specific meaning. Unlike free word combinations, their meanings are not deducible from individual words. Translators often face challenges with PUs because these units are deeply rooted in the source culture’s context. As Jumayeva (2024) notes, idioms “contain layers of meaning that are not easily transferred between languages,” making it hard to retain their emotional and cultural resonance in translation. Intertextuality theory highlights that texts inherently reference other texts or cultural artifacts.
Many PUs carry such intertextual links (for example, allusions to historical events or literature). Thus, intertextual equivalence in translation means preserving these cross-textual references when rendering PUs in another language. Schӓffner (2012) describes translation as a form of intercultural intertextuality, where a translator must re-create references from one culture within another. In our case, English and Uzbek belong to different cultural spheres, so achieving intertextual equivalence is particularly demanding. We therefore examine how phraseological units in English are translated into Uzbek (and vice versa), focusing on whether and how their intertextual meanings survive the transfer.
Drawing on phraseology and translation studies, we adopt a comparative modeling approach: we analyze corpora of English and Uzbek texts (literary works, news media, speeches) to identify patterns in how PUs are rendered. We ask: when an English idiom or proverb appears, does the Uzbek version preserve its cultural reference and effect, or is the meaning lost or transformed? Theoretical frameworks include intertextuality theory (explaining how texts echo one another) and translation theory (e.g. dynamic/communicative equivalence). As Newmark (1988) emphasizes, idioms and metaphors must be understood in their cultural and situational contexts, and direct equivalents are often unavailable. We supplement these ideas with Ravshanova’s (2025) analysis of semantic transformations in PUs, which shows how shifts (metaphorical extension, narrowing, irony, etc.) create intertextual links. By comparing English–Uzbek PU pairs across genres, we model how intertextual content is preserved or adapted.
Methods
We conducted a qualitative comparative analysis of English and Uzbek phraseological units in context. Our research material comprised diverse genres: contemporary English literary texts (novels, short stories, poetry), media discourse (newspaper and online news articles), and public speeches; and their published Uzbek translations. Following Ravshanova (2025), we treated each text as a source of PUs and noted their usage and any intertextual references. In parallel, we collected the corresponding Uzbek renditions (or English renditions of Uzbek PUs) to form bilingual examples.
The analysis proceeded in several steps. First, identification: we manually extracted phraseological units from the source texts and recorded them with context. Then, semantic and contextual analysis: we examined each PU’s meaning and cultural background (drawing on lexicographic definitions). Next, intertextual analysis: we noted whether a PU alluded to external texts or cultural artifacts. Finally, comparative modeling: for each PU, we compared the English and Uzbek versions, classifying the translation strategy and assessing intertextual equivalence. We categorized cases where meaning was fully preserved versus partially or fully changed.
Examples were coded by strategy type (literal equivalent, substitution, paraphrase, etc.) following frameworks in translation studies. For instance, Ravshanova’s comparative method of matching English PUs with Uzbek translations guided our approach. In summary, we built a mini-corpus of PU pairs and analyzed patterns of semantic shift and strategy usage across genres.
Individualism and Collectivism:
Uzbek Culture: Uzbek society leans heavily towards collectivism. Decisions are often made considering the family’s or community`s welfare rather than individual preferences. Public image, or obro’, halollik (honesty) is crucial, affecting personal choices (Saidov, 2010).
English Culture: England exemplifies individualism, promoting personal freedom, self-expression, and privacy (Hofstede, 2001). Success is often measured through personal achievements rather than collective recognition.
Difference: This divergence creates contrasting approaches to career choices, marriage, and in Uzbekistan, decisions in these areas frequently familial input, whereas in England, individuals often act independently.
Results
The analysis revealed clear patterns in how phraseological units transfer between English and Uzbek. Some PUs have direct equivalents in both languages, thus preserving intertextual meaning. For example, “burn bridges” (meaning cut off relations) is rendered literally as ko‘prikni yoqmoq (“to set the bridge on fire”) in Uzbek; “time is money” becomes vaqt — pul (“time is money”), also preserving the original sense. These cases reflect universal concepts (social ties, time value) and allow idiomatic translation that maintains the same metaphorical imagery. In such cases, intertextual equivalence is high: the target PU invokes the same idea or reference as the source.
However, many idioms are culture-specific and lack one-to-one counterparts. For instance, the English “spill the beans” (reveal a secret) has no native Uzbek idiom. Translators typically paraphrase the meaning: for example, using Uzbek gapni ochmoq (“open the talk”). This conveys the idea of revealing information but drops the original bean metaphor. Similarly, the Uzbek idiom “qo‘lidan kelmay qolmoq” (literally “it doesn’t come from one’s hands,” meaning someone is incompetent) has no English equivalent; an English translator might explain it rather than use an idiom. In these cases, intertextual resonance is partially lost: the metaphorical image is replaced with a more literal expression.
Some translations rely on literal equivalents when available. For example, “break the ice” is rendered as muzni sindirmoq (“break the ice”). This preserves the idiomatic form, so the meaning and the implied reference to easing tension remain. When no idiomatic match exists, translators employ substitution or paraphrase. For example, English “kick the bucket” (die) is often translated into Uzbek as neutral o‘lamoq (“to die”) or by using a euphemism like “dunyo o‘zgargan” (“the world changed,” i.e., someone has passed away). Here the literal bucket image is dropped, and the focus is on conveying the core meaning.
The following table summarizes representative examples:
English PU (meaning)
Uzbek Equivalent or Translation
Intertextual/Strategy Notes
“Burn bridges” (sever ties)
ko‘prikni yoqmoq (“burn the bridge”)
Direct equivalent; metaphor retained.
“Time is money” (value time)
vaqt — pul (“time is money”)
Direct equivalent.
“Spill the beans” (reveal secret)
gapni ochmoq (“open the talk”)
Paraphrase; original metaphor lost.
“Kick the bucket” (die)
o‘lamoq (“to die”) or dunyo o‘zgargan
Substitution/euphemism; idiom dropped.
“Break the ice” (start convo)
muzni sindirmoq (“break the ice”)
Literal equivalent.
Uz qo‘lida tutqich yo‘q (no control)
“lack control (over the situation)”
Paraphrase in English (no idiom).
“A burning noonday sun” (scorching)
bir kuni jazirama mahali (“a scorching day”)
Literary translation example preserving imagery.
References (e.g. Shahnamah, Rumi)
Often left untranslated or footnoted
Cultural references are preserved or explained.
In literary texts, translators carefully preserved imagery. For instance, in the Uzbek translation of García Márquez’s One Hundred Years of Solitude, the phrase “a burning noonday sun” was rendered as bir kuni jazirama mahali (“a scorching day”), which maintains the intense visual effect. An idiomatic description of a character wandering through a house “without paying attention to anyone” was similarly rendered in a vivid, culturally resonant Uzbek phrase. In media discourse, however, PUs are often creatively adapted. Ravshanova (2025) observes that headlines and advertising frequently manipulate known idioms: e.g. “Break the ice” becomes “break the digital ice”, linking the original metaphor to modern technology. Likewise, “Every cloud has a silver lining” might be twisted to “Every cloud has a silicon lining” in a satirical tech context. These transformations still evoke the original expressions but with new, culturally specific twists.
Overall, our comparative model shows that intertextual meaning is sometimes preserved and sometimes transformed. In Ravshanova’s terms, translators “preserve semantic transformations” when possible, but often “adapt them to fit cultural norms” in the target language. For example, the English idiom “break the ice” can remain nearly identical, while “spill the beans” loses its imagery. In every case, we note whether the translation retains the source’s implied allusions (intertextual links) or replaces them with an explanation or local equivalent.
Discussion
These findings highlight the intertextual challenges of translating PUs between English and Uzbek. When an equivalent idiom exists in both cultures (as with “burn bridges”), the translator can maintain the intertextual reference intact. In contrast, culture-bound idioms (like “spill the beans”) require negotiation between fidelity and clarity. Jumayeva (2024) emphasizes creative techniques for this purpose: when literal or equivalent translations fail, translators use paraphrasing, substitution, borrowing, or figurative paraphrase to preserve meaning. Our data confirm these strategies. For instance, substituting o‘lamoq for “kick the bucket” sacrifices the original image but retains the outcome. This trade-off aligns with Newmark’s notion that idioms must be understood in context: the translator must choose an expression that fits the situational meaning and emotional tone, even if the form changes.
Another study by Najmiddinova and colleagues examined the role of pragmatics in intercultural communication with emphasis on politeness, noting distinctive features of Uzbek communicative etiquette.
Research on Uzbek hospitality concepts reveals the cultural centrality of mehmondo’stlik (hospitality) in Uzbek society [16]. Najmiddinova’s study of hospitality-related proverbs in English and Uzbek demonstrated significant cultural differences in conceptualizations of guest-host relationships, social obligations, and communal values [16]. Makhammadovna’s comparative analysis of hospitality reflected in English and Uzbek phraseological units similarly revealed culture-specific patterns.
The need to maintain intertextual equivalence often dictates strategy choice. The American Journal of Humanities (2024) recommends “retaining references to other texts or cultural artifacts” in translation, using expert knowledge if necessary. This matches our observation that references to literature or religion (e.g. names of epic poems, religious terms) are typically left in transliteration or carefully translated so as not to lose the allusion. In contrast, where no direct reference is needed, translators may creatively adapt the expression to local culture (as we saw in media headlines). Thus, preserving intertextuality is sometimes a matter of strategy: direct carryover, annotation, or creative substitution.
These results echo theoretical work on translation as an intertextual act. Schӓffner (2012) notes that texts depend on other texts (“interdiscursivity”) and that translators recontextualize source-culture references. Our study shows how this plays out with PUs: translation is not just word-for-word rendering but an intercultural dialogue. Moreover, Ravshanova’s analysis suggests common transformation patterns (metaphor extension, irony, etc.) in making intertextual links. We observed similar techniques in the Uzbek translations: for example, when an idiom’s meaning is narrowed or broadened to fit a new context, the intertextual connection is altered but still present in spirit.
Genre differences are notable. In literary translation, translators often have space to unpack idioms or choose elegant equivalents, preserving literary allusions. For example, cultural analogues or poetic phrasing can be used to mirror the source’s tone. In journalism and speeches, brevity and audience familiarity constrain choices. Ravshanova notes that media tends to modify PUs for effect (as seen in English media), and similarly an Uzbek newspaper might coin a catchphrase or use a neutral term. The balance between domestic readers’ understanding and fidelity to the source is delicate. Translators sometimes retain a foreign name or concept (with gloss) to keep the intertextual feel, or else rely on a culturally closer metaphor, at the cost of the original reference.
In sum, our modeling suggests that intertextual equivalence is partial: much depends on the idiom’s translatability and the translator’s strategy. When direct idiomatic parallels exist, equivalence is high. Otherwise, translators use paraphrase or culturally analogous idioms to approximate the same effect. These choices confirm Baker’s claim that idioms are among the hardest units to translate and often require creative mediation. By identifying patterns across many examples, we provide a systematic view of these choices in the English–Uzbek context.
Conclusion
This comparative study demonstrates that translating English and Uzbek phraseological units involves intricate intertextual work. Where possible, translators render idioms with local equivalents, maintaining the original imagery and cultural reference. When no direct match exists, they employ strategies like substitution, paraphrase, or explicitation. In all cases, preserving the intertextual import of an expression – its allusion to shared knowledge or text – is paramount. As Schäffner (2012) argues, translators act as cultural mediators, recreating links between texts.
Our findings imply that translator training should emphasize these strategies and the analysis of PUs’ cultural roots. Ultimately, effective translation of idiomatic language depends on balancing linguistic equivalence with cultural adaptation. Future work might extend this modeling to other language pairs or larger corpora, but already it underscores that intertextual equivalence is attainable through informed strategy: through literal rendering when possible, and through creative adaptation when necessary, translators can ensure that readers in Uzbek (or English) catch the echo of the source text’s cultural meanings.
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Poetry is a riot of ideas waking you up at midnight,
bombarding you in the most random, inconvenient hours. It is unfinished business that refuses to sign a peace treaty, waiting until you are halfway to a dream and cannot find a pen.
It is emotion that needs expression from its obsession;
It’s motivation, some call it inspiration, others a muse
demanding an absolute revelation.
Poetry is a man alone who needs no battalion to win a war. It is an advocate, a change-agent, and a master-mechanic screwing back the nuts and bolts that once held peace together.
It is the smell of rain on Northern dust and the steam from a morning cup; the call to prayer and the desperate answer of the pen.
It is the quietest thing found in silence itself,
moments when time stands still and all is hush.
Poetry is an endless ocean, vast and deep;
It is anger, it is sacrifice, and it is the letter
tucked beneath a lover’s pillow like a secret.
Poetry is an armed robber, it takes what it wants
but it is never a terrorist.
It is an exaggerator; a handsome liar.
It is the thief of sleep and the merchant of scars;
the price we pay for seeing what others choose to ignore.
It is verses, stanzas, meter, rhyme, and rhythm.
It is diction, imagery, and the leap of enjambement.
It is fourteen lines, it is seventeen syllables,
it is free verse flight, the tribute, and the persona’s grief.
Poetry is poetic license, sanctioned for poets
to metamorphose and manipulate the world.
It is Me. It is YOU.
It is sacred, it is mundane, it is bizarre and unique.
And what do you think this is?
It is goddamn POETRY.
Abbas Yusuf Alhassan is a poet and a dedicated student of Fisheries and Aquaculture. Passionate about creative expression, he shares his work with a growing literary audience on Instagram. His work has been published in “Synchronized Chaos and he has co-authored two anthologies: “Life and Death” (SGSH Publication) and “If Only Words Were Enough” (Al-Zehra Publication). Abbas values the art of learning and unlearning, constantly seeking new ideas and perspectives. While he studies life underwater, his soul resides in verse and stanzas.
