Backend programming languages and their advantages

A backend developer provides functionality for a website or web application, data processing. Therefore, backend developers must be familiar with working with data warehouses. They are also required to be able to work with algorithms of varying degrees of complexity and build architectures for projects. In fact, backend refers to both software and hardware. However, historically, backend has also been clearly distinguished from web-development. And this is currently the most popular area. 

Backend programming languages are used to create applications that run on the server side. With the help of these languages, you can process data, write server logic and work with databases. Some popular backend programming languages are:

A backend developer must know at least programming languages such as Java, Python, Ruby, etc.

Popular programming languages in which backend developers write code are PHP, Ruby, Python, Node.js, C # and Java. A good backend developer will usually be a master of one of these languages, but will also have the ability to code in 2 or 3 programming languages. Backend developers will also need to be proficient with at least one of the following databases: MySQL, PostgreSQL, Oracle, and SQL Server.

PHP is a common scripting language that is widely used for developing web applications. It is currently supported by a large number of hosting providers and is one of the leading languages used for creating dynamic websites. 

Many content management systems, with backend languages that cannot do JavaScript, are built in the same programming language as many large, complex web applications.

The Java software platform is a set of software products and specifications from Sun Microsystems, formerly an independent company and now a subsidiary of Oracle Corporation, that together provide a framework for developing software and integrating it into any cross-platform application.

 Ruby is a dynamic, reflective, interpreted high-level programming language. The language has operating system-independent multiprocessing, powerful dynamic typing, a garbage collector, and many other features. 

Python is a high-level general-purpose programming language aimed at improving programmer productivity and code readability. The Python core syntax is minimalist. At the same time, the standard library contains a large set of useful functions.

A backend developer pays close attention to the architecture of databases, scripts, and websites. The code written by BackEnd developers helps to deliver database data to the browser.

BackEnd developers usually work with developers on the front-end to work on the design of a site or application (or to make changes to this design if necessary) and to develop their code.

Go was developed by Google, has high performance and ease of use.

C# is used to create scalable web applications using the .NET framework.

 These languages are different from each other and are chosen depending on the requirements of the project. Each language has its own advantages and disadvantages, so programmers make a choice based on their needs. Backend programming languages have several advantages. These languages allow you to create applications that run on the server side. The following are the main advantages:

1. Data Ingestion: Receiving and processing requests from users or other systems.

2. Data Processing: Analyzing, correcting, and applying the necessary logic to the received data.

3. Database Management: Performing CRUD (Create, Read, Update, Delete) operations, i.e. creating, reading, updating, and deleting data.

4. API Creation: Creating RESTful or GraphQL APIs to communicate with the user interface or other services.

5. Security Provisioning: Establishing authentication (user authentication) and authorization (user permissions control) mechanisms.

6. Error Handling: Detecting and handling errors that occur in the application, and delivering appropriate messages to the user.

7. Logging: Implementing logging functions to monitor system activity and problems that occur.

 8. System Expansion and Optimization: Adding new features as the application grows, improving performance, and optimizing resources.

9. Server Management: When the application is deployed on the server, dealing with server configuration, monitoring, and updates.

These activities represent the main processes performed by backend developers in application development. The goal of each activity is to ensure the reliability and efficiency of the system. 

Conclusion: If the question arises, “How is this organized, or in what sequence are tasks performed?”, Backend should be chosen. Backend programming languages are used to create applications that run on the server side. These languages are used to process data, write server logic, and work with databases.

References:

1.https://community.uzbekcoders.uz/post/back-end-development-va-backend-developer-haqida-5ff60987906bd7b2b1d6062a

 2.https://www.coursereport.com/blog/front-end-development-vs-back-enddevelopment-where-to-start

 3. https://www.guru99.com/what-is-backend-developer.html

Olimova Muslima was born on August 7, 2007 in Asaka, Andijan region. Her interest in science and technology from a young age made her a talented and hardworking person. Muslima graduated from school No. 13 of Asaka district with a gold medal and became a prizewinner at the regional stage of science Olympiads.Currently, Muslima is a 1st-year student at Andijan State Technical Institute, majoring in “Information Systems and Technologies”. She is an ambassador of the “Wakelet” community in Uzbekistan and works in the field of global science.Muslima has published many scientific articles, theses and books, her books are sold in 26+ countries. As a Star Up winner and founder of Muslima Academy, she inspires young people, implements new ideas and scientific innovations.Muslima’s achievements make her famous not only in her country, but also worldwide.  Her life and work are a source of inspiration for young people, demonstrating the importance of determination and hard work in realizing dreams.

Dream Note: Road Repair

For no apparent reason, he suddenly stood outside a village

rows of poplar forests, neatly staggered, dividing the fields

He halted in the middle of a dirt road—puddles, mud

as if it had just rained, leaving him trapped between

Ahead: endless countryside and a black path stretching on

Behind: a strange village where no one knew his name

villagers seemed to want no part of him

ignoring his awkward plight without a second glance

Just then, eldest brother Yongping abruptly appeared

his calmness offered a momentary sense of peace

 They began stuffing dry soil into the puddles

to repair the road—the blue sky in the puddles

Gradually shrinking, fragmenting, yet the mud remained

too slick to tread, as if the road were sinking deeper

They abandoned the effort, then started urinating there

like in childhood, urine arcing clear and strong

no laughter—their faces grave

ss if this were a duty that must be done

Alone on the road, just the two brothers

the village lay silent, as if long deserted

the fresh post-rain air filled the green fields

No one knows if they ever left safely

June 23, 2025

记梦：修路

不知怎么他突然就到了一座村庄外面

一排排白杨树林，错落有致，隔断了田野

他停在一条土路中间，水洼，泥泞

似乎刚刚下过雨，他进退不得

向前是无尽的乡野和黑色的小路

向后是陌生的村庄，没有人认识他

村民们似乎也不想与他有任何关联

对他尴尬的处境视而不见

就在这时，大哥永平突然出现了

他的平静让他暂时安下心来

他们开始往水洼里填干土

要把道路修好，水洼里的蓝天

渐渐缩小，破碎，但依然泥泞

不堪涉足，似乎道路在不断下沉

他们放弃了努力，开始向那里撒尿

像童年时一样，尿液的抛物线清晰，强劲

他们没有笑，他们很严肃

似乎这是一件必须完成的任务

路上只有他们兄弟二人

村子里一片寂静，似乎已经无人居住

雨后清新的气息弥漫在绿色的田野里

无人知道，他们是否安全地离开了那里

2025年6月23日

Love

I need you, love

I need you, love,

to show me the darkness 

of your depth.

The abyss of spirit captivates me…

I need you to call the rains

from my darkest skies; 

I will face seizure from the night.

I have waited for your exiled embrace

since the morning winds.

Now, the silence of the moony season

frowns darkly and I am still alone.

Dustin Pickering

USA

Sun of the Love – My mother

In your pure love, the Sun takes form,

You keep us safe, you keep us warm.

You feed us first, though you go without,

My Heaven, my mother, of that no doubt.

Your hair turns white for all you’ve done,

Yet live for us—your every son.

In life’s long path, you’re my one guide,

Your every word—a truth worldwide.

Dear Mother, may you ever be well,

An angel where our joy shall dwell.

May you and Father long remain,

The crowns of love I can’t explain.

THESE ARE NOT LEAVES

These are not leaves that the autumn

throws on my hair, my shoulders;

they are hands greeting me today

while I drag an old and heavy suitcase

that keeps the seasons we lived together.

These are not raindrops running down

my cheeks, but tears: so limpid and clear.

These are not puddles reflecting now my

face but rivers of thoughts and reflections.

Goodbyes always hurt; they leave you

bitter in the heart, even if, somewhere

out there, a world of magic colors waits…

MY ANIMA, A FEATHER

It was just a quick embrace, like

the elusive flight of a butterfly

brushing in an instant your hair.

It was just a warm hug inside a

body that trembled like a leaf,

that anonymous world, which

was a thousand times much

more familiar than my house.

It was nothing more than a hug,

but who knows why—in those

moments, my anima felt so light,

like a feather that ascends to the sky.

THE SPECTACLE OF THE SKY

It is the same light when I get up fast,

when I run towards the bus like crazy,

when it passes me by and I rest there,

just like a melancholic stain.

It’s the same tree and the same people

I see every day, the same trembling of

leaves and the delicate fall of them.

But the sky shows a diverse spectacle;

sometimes it’s gray, sometimes blue

or covered with a handful of clouds,

so soft and white. It often shows me

a plane that crosses it noisily, just like

a giant bird with its rigid, immovable

wings flying towards the infinite.

IRMA KURTI is an Albanian poet, writer, lyricist, journalist, and translator and has been writing since she was a child. She is a naturalized Italian and lives in Bergamo, Italy. Kurti has won numerous literary prizes and awards in Albania, Italy, Greece, Switzerland, USA, Philippines, Lebanon and China. She was awarded the Universum Donna International Prize IX Edition 2013 for Literature and received a lifetime nomination as an Ambassador of Peace by the University of Peace, Italian Switzerland. In 2020, she became the honorary president of WikiPoesia, the encyclopedia of poetry. In 2021, she was awarded the title of Liria (Freedom) by the Italian-Albanian community in Italy. She received the Leonardo da Vinci and Giacomo Leopardi prizes from the Chimera Arte Contemporanea Cultural Association of Lecce. The same association also honored her with the European Ambassador Award and named her the Best Poet of the Year in 2022.

She received the Grazia Deledda medal and diploma of merit from the National Committee of WikiPoesia on the 150th anniversary of the birth of the great Italian poet. In 2023 she was awarded a Career Award from the Universum Academy Switzerland.

Irma Kurti is a member of the jury for several literary competitions in Italy. She is also a translator for the Ithaca Foundation in Spain.

Irma Kurti has published more than 100 works, including books of poetry, fiction and translations. She is one of the most translated and published Albanian poets. Her books have been translated and published in 21 countries.

She came draped in birdsong

among those tender ponds they’d planted

for us

among our dressgreen lawns.

Immediately,

her smile feathered into action

a fowler’s net over us unwary all

(and I, admittedly, no less the nestling than another).

And when she’d left

our ponds in tatters,

our lawns gone feral again,

her shoes still twittered

In the new forest of I’s

(some trees fallen, some blazed).

REGRETS

I’m sorry we never walked arm/in/arm,

but that was from my own defects

and not your guise.

Next to your lovely limbs I’m left un/armed and fallen.

If I never said you were beautiful,

then it was from my tongue’s neglect

and not my eyes.

(I could tell you were lovely at once, but not tell you.)

Then I finally stripped down to humble,

paraded for you my regrets,

frustrations, sighs…

Keep my rubble.

You may require fill material.

FROM VIENNA, THEIR INTERPRETATIONS OF DREAMS

Two men fought their Mein Kampfs in their minds,

their unconscious wars on vaginas,

their struggles with a less-than mankind.

While Freud, that Jew, painted Austria

as a vast panorama of dicks,

Adolf Hitler, antisemitic,

bent crucifix into swastika.

Reader of signs, and maker of myths,

these, then, our architects, these our smiths.

GLUE ALL GONE

1. At my touch you’d rain from within.

You’d pulse like pigeons on a bush.

Our stormy passions fused our crows

into a rainbow made for me,

(Monochrome to Technicolor!

Distinguished Valor in a poem.)

Each new day after the havoc,

honored like sabbaths tossed in clay,

ceramic artifacts, intact

(though blackened and scratched) among bricks.

We did love the moon’s wallpaper

till stripped by scrapers in sun’s gloves.

2. There’s a toad between my legs

where I used to rear a snake,

and that nest between your limbs

disintegrated to stems.

3. I was determined to climb the mountains

but you always rode the lifts.

I was eager to dare the uncertains

and you wanted to tame the ifs.

Whenever my compass pointed to lost

you would new-rig my spankers,

and when all meridians were crossed

you would balloon my anchor.

I was the pistol in the crystal shop,

and you the glue in the glue gun.

The day came when you were ready to stop,

though my days had just begun.

You had followed in the wake of my wrecks

with your tender of repairs.

And now I gamble on an empty deck,

my hold bereft of a pair.

YOUR MARRIAGE TO THIS OLD MAN

To possess a stone of rules against those pharaoh-boys

and their noisy persuasions and their handsome toys

you needed to meet a thin christ at Calvary

or a buddha declining in his banyan leaves.

The unexpected dwarf you met your wedding night

was a bullrush baby again, enough of knife

to open a Red Sea but not a Promised Land.

All the commandments are sleeping tablets cut from sand.

You’re lost in the desert, and deferred in the dust

your legendary golden calves, your burning bush.

…

Language Attitudes Towards Regional Dialects in Uzbekistan

Aliasqarova Muslima Bahromjon qizi

Uzbekistan State World Languages University

English First Faculty

Abstract: This article investigates the sociolinguistic attitudes towards regional dialects of the Uzbek language across various regions of Uzbekistan, including Tashkent, Ferghana, Samarkand, and Khorezm. In a society where Standard Uzbek is promoted through education, media, and official communication, dialects remain powerful indicators of regional identity and cultural belonging. The study explores how speakers perceive the prestige, stigmatization, and practical functions of different dialects, particularly among youth and urban populations. Using both qualitative and quantitative methods, including surveys and interviews, the research highlights the dynamics of linguistic hierarchy, code-switching, and the resilience of non-standard varieties. Findings suggest that while many view Standard Uzbek as a symbol of social mobility, regional dialects maintain strong emotional and cultural significance. These attitudes have implications for language planning, education policy, and national identity in post-Soviet Uzbekistan.

Keywords: Uzbek dialects, language attitudes, sociolinguistics, regional identity, Standard Uzbek, code-switching, language prestige, digital communication, linguistic diversity, Uzbekistan.

Uzbekistan is a linguistically rich and culturally complex nation, characterized by a wide array of regional dialects that reflect its diverse historical and sociolinguistic heritage. The Uzbek language, while officially unified under a standardized form, is internally varied across geographic regions, with dialects shaped by centuries of interaction with neighboring languages such as Russian, Persian, Arabic, and other Turkic varieties. These influences have left lasting imprints on phonology, vocabulary, and syntax, making dialectal diversity a central feature of the Uzbek linguistic landscape.

Following independence in 1991, Uzbekistan initiated a process of national consolidation, part of which included the promotion of Standard Uzbek as the official language of education, governance, and mass media. This standard variety, primarily based on the Tashkent dialect, was intended to unify the nation linguistically and symbolically represent a post-Soviet national identity. While this policy has significantly increased the visibility and institutional power of Standard Uzbek, it has not diminished the vitality of regional dialects, which remain widely used in informal communication, rural settings, and interpersonal networks. These dialects are not only linguistically distinct—in terms of phonetic, lexical, and grammatical features—but also socially and symbolically differentiated. Speakers often hold implicit or explicit attitudes toward various dialects, associating them with particular social traits such as prestige, rurality, education level, or authenticity. The central concern of this study is to explore how Uzbek speakers perceive both their own dialect and those of others, and what sociocultural meanings are embedded in these perceptions.

Understanding dialectal attitudes is crucial for unpacking broader questions of linguistic identity in a post-Soviet, multilingual society. It sheds light on how individuals negotiate belonging, social status, and cultural authenticity through language. Moreover, such insights are essential for informing equitable language policy—particularly in domains like education, teacher training, and public broadcasting—where the tension between linguistic standardization and regional variation remains a persistent challenge. By examining these dynamics, the study contributes to a deeper understanding of the interplay between language, identity, and policy in contemporary Uzbekistan.

Uzbek dialects are generally grouped into three major categories: Northern, Southern, and Central dialects. Each has several sub-dialects that vary across regions. For instance, the Khorezm dialect in the northwest differs significantly from the Andijan-Ferghana variety in the east or the Samarkand-Bukhara dialects in the central region. These differences are not just linguistic but also carry social and historical associations.

The Soviet language policy prioritized Russian and often marginalized minority languages and dialects. Post-independence, Uzbekistan emphasized the Uzbek language but prioritized the standardized form to build national unity. This has led to a hierarchical linguistic landscape in which Standard Uzbek is perceived as more ‘modern,’ ‘educated,’ or ‘neutral,’ while regional dialects are seen as markers of tradition, rural life, or even backwardness.

However, dialects also serve as sources of local pride and identity. For many speakers, especially older generations and those in rural areas, dialects are the authentic form of Uzbek. They are used in oral storytelling, folk songs, and local customs, giving them strong cultural resonance.

The study employed a mixed-method approach, combining quantitative surveys with qualitative interviews. A total of 150 participants aged 18–40 were surveyed across four regions: Tashkent, Ferghana, Khorezm, and Samarkand. Respondents were asked to rate dialects based on attributes such as prestige, clarity, emotional warmth, and appropriateness in formal contexts. Additionally, 20 in-depth interviews were conducted to gain insights into personal experiences with dialect use.

Questions also focused on code-switching behavior, dialect usage in digital communication (e.g., social media), and perceptions of dialect use in education and media. The goal was to identify patterns in how people relate to their own and others’ dialects, and how these attitudes influence language choice.

The Tashkent dialect, due to its closeness to the standardized form, is widely perceived as the most prestigious. It is associated with education, professionalism, and urban sophistication. On the other hand, dialects like Khorezmian and some Ferghana sub-dialects are often perceived as rural, non-standard, or humorous, and are frequently the subject of jokes or caricatures in media. In some cases, this stigmatization leads speakers to avoid using their dialect in public or formal settings.

Interestingly, the perception of prestige also varies by age and education level. Younger participants and those with higher education tend to view the standard dialect as a necessary tool for career advancement. Meanwhile, older participants often express nostalgia for the richness of dialectal expression and lament the decline of dialect use among youth.

Despite the perceived lack of prestige, many respondents expressed strong attachment to their regional dialects. In places like Samarkand and Khorezm, the local dialect is viewed as a crucial part of cultural heritage. Dialect use often signals solidarity, authenticity, and emotional warmth, particularly in family and community settings. Some even reported intentionally preserving dialectal features in speech to assert their regional identity.

In these regions, dialects are not merely seen as linguistic variants but as symbols of historical continuity and pride. For example, the Khorezm dialect is closely linked to the region’s historical status as a center of ancient civilization, and using the dialect is often framed as a form of cultural resistance to homogenization. Most participants reported shifting between dialect and Standard Uzbek depending on the context. For example, they might speak their native dialect at home but switch to the standard form in schools, universities, or workplaces. This indicates a high degree of linguistic adaptability and functional bilingualism within one language.

Code-switching is often strategic and context-sensitive. It reflects not just linguistic competence but also social awareness. Some respondents noted that switching to Standard Uzbek in formal settings made them feel more respected, while others admitted to feeling less authentic when avoiding their native dialect.

In recent years, social media platforms such as Telegram, Instagram, and TikTok have emerged as influential spaces where linguistic practices, including dialectal variation, are publicly performed, negotiated, and normalized. These digital arenas offer users a degree of expressive freedom not typically found in formal settings like education or state media. As a result, many users, particularly younger generations, increasingly blend Standard Uzbek with regional dialects, often for humorous, emotive, or identity-driven purposes. This code-mixing is especially prevalent in memes, short videos, and informal commentary, where dialectal features add nuance, authenticity, or comedic effect.

The growing visibility of dialects in online discourse signals a shift in the sociolinguistic landscape, where once-stigmatized or marginalized forms of speech gain new symbolic value. Informal digital communication, therefore, acts as a site of linguistic innovation and sociocultural negotiation, contributing to the gradual reconfiguration of dialect prestige. Over time, these trends may not only challenge traditional hierarchies that privilege standardized language forms but also foster a broader acceptance of linguistic diversity within the national linguistic identity. As such, the role of social media in reshaping language attitudes warrants further investigation, particularly in contexts like Uzbekistan where questions of language, identity, and modernity are closely intertwined.

.

Moreover, online influencers and content creators have played a key role in normalizing dialect use. Several interviewees mentioned popular TikTokers or bloggers who use their native dialects with pride, making them more socially acceptable and even fashionable among young audiences.

Language attitudes toward regional dialects in Uzbekistan are multifaceted and evolving. While Standard Uzbek dominates formal domains and is associated with upward mobility, regional dialects continue to serve important roles in cultural identity, emotional expression, and local solidarity. The persistence and vitality of dialects suggest that linguistic diversity remains an essential part of Uzbek society. This study shows that dialects are not only linguistic forms but also powerful social symbols. Their usage patterns reflect broader dynamics of identity, prestige, and resistance. Therefore, acknowledging and valuing these dialects in public discourse, education, and media is crucial.

Policymakers and educators must take into account public attitudes toward dialects when formulating language education policies and developing media content. Numerous sociolinguistic studies have shown that language attitudes significantly influence learners’ motivation, self-perception, and academic outcomes (Baker, 1992; Garrett, 2010). In the context of Uzbekistan, where linguistic diversity includes various regional dialects of Uzbek, as well as minority languages such as Tajik, Kazakh, and Russian, fostering a positive orientation toward dialectal variation is essential for promoting linguistic equity and national cohesion.

Encouraging positive awareness of regional dialects can serve multiple purposes. Firstly, it helps combat the stigmatization of non-standard language varieties, which often affects speakers’ social mobility and self-esteem. Secondly, it plays a crucial role in preserving intangible cultural heritage, as dialects carry unique oral traditions, idioms, and identity markers. Thirdly, it contributes to building a more inclusive and pluralistic understanding of national identity—one that embraces diversity rather than imposing rigid linguistic norms.

The role of mass media in shaping language ideologies cannot be overstated. Stereotypical or caricatured portrayals of dialect speakers in television, film, and online content may reinforce negative biases and social hierarchies. Therefore, media producers should strive for balanced and respectful representations that reflect the richness of Uzbekistan’s linguistic landscape. Highlighting the contributions of dialect speakers in domains such as literature, music, comedy, and local governance could normalize and validate their linguistic identities.

Furthermore, systematic research is needed to monitor how attitudes toward dialects evolve, especially in a digital age marked by increased mobility, transnational communication, and generational change. Young people—particularly digital natives—consume and produce vast amounts of content on social media platforms, which often become arenas for both linguistic innovation and discrimination. Members of the Uzbek diaspora may also develop hybrid attitudes shaped by their host country’s sociolinguistic environment.

To this end, longitudinal studies and digital ethnographies offer promising methodologies for capturing the evolving dynamics of dialect usage and perception over time. By systematically observing linguistic behavior across extended periods and digital environments, researchers can uncover patterns of change, continuity, and innovation within everyday language practices. For example, tracking the frequency, context, and reception of dialectal features on platforms such as TikTok, YouTube, or Telegram may illuminate emerging sociolinguistic trends—whether indicating increased prestige, playful subversion, or forms of resistance to standard norms.

These data-rich approaches can provide empirical grounding for understanding how digital communication shapes language ideologies, particularly among youth and diaspora communities. Moreover, such findings carry practical implications for language policy in Uzbekistan, where balancing the promotion of a unified national language with respect for regional and sociolinguistic diversity remains a complex challenge. Insights from digital spaces can inform more inclusive and context-sensitive policies in education, media, and cultural programming, ensuring that modernization efforts do not come at the expense of linguistic plurality and heritage.

References:

1. Fierman, W. (1991). Language planning and national development: The Uzbek experience. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
2. Pavlenko, A. (2008). Multilingualism in post-Soviet countries: Language revival, language removal, and sociolinguistic theory. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 11(3-4), 275–314. https://doi.org/10.1080/13670050802148798 
3. Landau, J. M., & Kellner-Heinkele, B. (2001). Politics of Language in the Ex-Soviet Muslim States: Azerbayjan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
4. Karimov, R. (2016). Language situation in Uzbekistan: Problems and perspectives. International Journal of Central Asian Studies, 21, 45–58.